How Marxists are creating killing fields in Bengal of the type never seen before in india... And why the centre must immediately call for elections.

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"Horror was the onset of Sanguinary Convulsions," said Winston Churchill while commenting of the Great Kolkata Riots before Independence. Today’s Bengal reminds one of Churchill's words. And it is the Marxists who are giving credence to his one-liner. The violence let loose all over state for the past many months, especially in the districts of south Bengal where the main state Opposition has established a strong foothold, can only be compared with that witnessed by the state in the early 70s.

In all probability, the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front will lose the electoral battle in the forthcoming Assembly election in the coming summer. And, the dispensation and its leading partner can't seem to accept such an inglorious defeat with dignity after an uninterrupted rule of 34 years. As a last-ditch attempt, the Stalinist forces are trying to terrorise people into submission. The famous statement of Edvard Radzinsky on Joseph Stalin comes to mind: “Terror is the quickest way to new society”.

CPI(M) claims to have democratised the power structure to the grassroots level through the panchayat system. While this is true to some extent, the Stalinist party has spread two other things at the same time – corruption and armed cadres. While organised corruption has helped the party to amass huge wealth in terms of real estate, armed party cadres have helped to keep people’s mouths shut. In one way or the other, this has been admitted even by senior CPI(M) leaders themselves. Only a few days back, chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, while addressing a party rally in the North 24 Parganas, called on his party cadres to keep distance from these two evils. One can remember the erstwhile chief minister Jyoti Basu openly admitting that Badshah Alam, who attacked Mamata Banerjee and fractured her head, was a CPM man. Only a year back, the then chief secretary, admitted that huge tracts of land were being grabbed in Rajarhat by the power of guns (in hands of CPI(M) cadres). Daylight action in Nandigram on March 14, 2007 by “chappal-wearing police” has established this fact beyond any doubt even in courts of law. The situation prompted the then Governor of the state and Mahatma’s grandson, Gopalkrishna Gandhi, to describe it as one of ‘cold horror’.

The recent spurt in violence started with a failed attack on Khejuri-Nandigram from Shunia Char (reclaimed land on river) on November 24, 2010. About 200 armed men (Harmads) entered Kamarda village and started hurling bombs. They burnt Trinamool Congress party offices and started indiscriminately firing in the air. Their motive was to terrorise Trinamool supporters and gain control over their lost ground. But spontaneous and united opposition from villagers forced them to flee. The villagers were led by chief of TMC youth wing and local MP Subhendu Adhikari. Armed cadres tried again and again. But they had to retreat each time leaving several people injured in the process. Both side used bombs and firearms. The attacks have taken place despite the MP and MLAs writing in advance to the police, the chief minister and the chief secretary apprehending such attacks.

Just after the chief minister's war cry at a party rally, “Hoi Bampantha, noi mrityu (Either Leftism or death),” trouble erupted in Raina and Mangalkot of Burdwan district. Purnima Majhi’s face is today unrecognisable after Harmads charged bombs on her face in Mangalkot. Her only offence was to stumble upon a group of bomb-makers in the middle of the night while she was on her way to the paddy field to relieve herself. Two other Trinamool activists, Hasmat Mollah and Kajal Mallick, succumbed to CPI(M) attacks. Since the Lok Sabha polls, in Burdwan district alone, about 26 Trinamool workers have been killed in political violence. Close on the heels of the Mangalkot incident, armed CPI(M) cadres attacked as many as three villages in the Khanakul, Arambagh and Purshura areas of Hooghly to ‘liberate these villages’ from Opposition hold. Trinamool activists had to flee in face of the waves of attacks surrounding their villages. Interestingly, in all the cases, the state police played either the role of a mute spectator or that of passive protector of the Harmad goons. The vernacular press carried reports of political clashes in Nadia, Murshidabad, North and South 24-Parganas. Trinamool Congress cadres were targeted at Sashan in North 24 Parganas, some of them died.

In Birbhum district, the CPI(M)-backed Harmads not only targeted Trinamool activists but also supporters of Left Front ally RSP. The RSP has bitter relations with CPI(M) in South 24-Parganas too where a kin of a RSP minister was killed along with few more RSP activists and their houses were burnt during the last Panchayat elections. Similarly, another Left Front partner, CPI, is facing Harmad attacks in parts of Hooghly and East Medinipur districts. The Arambagh-Purshura-Khanakul area saw pitched battles between CPI and CPI(M), some CPI supporters fell to Harmad attacks.

What is beyond the realms of rationality is that senior leaders of the Stalinist party are themselves making provocative statements in public and inciting cadres. While the chief minister – who after the Red bloodshed in Nandigram had said that the people got “paid back in their own coin” – uttered “either Leftism or deaths”, state secretariat member of the party Gautam Deb, who is minister in-charge of public health engineering, challenged the Opposition several times in the open. Land and land reforms minister Abdur Rezzak Mollah is calling upon “black-haired well-built youths of villages” to manage polling booths during the forthcoming election. Addressing a rally, he said the party could return to power if these youths guaranteed at least 20 Assembly segments where the Left Front were likely to be defeated.

This, according to several commentators, is not only heating up the already charged atmosphere but also instigating youths to be more aggressive. The students’ wing of CPI(M), which is already facing routs in half of the colleges which they were used to grabbing without any contest, are getting engaged in verbal duels and beyond with rival students' bodies. The other side, the Trinamool Chhatra Parishad and Chhatra Parishad (NSUI’s state wing) are being dragged into the turmoil too. A student of Andul Jagajjanani College in Howrah has lost his life. Another student of Ashutosh College has lost one eye and is now undergoing treatment in Hyderabad. About 50 cases of students’ clashes over union elections have been reported. In many cases, clashes took place when senior party leaders were present. Professor Rajat Majumder says, “Whom do you blame when the hands of the politicians are blood-stained? They can try to wash those but will not be successful.”

“Now, the situation has become such that even government staff are not being spared,” says Dhruba Sen, leader of a Left-wing state government employees’ organisation. “The BDO of Itahar was manhandled by CPI(M) leaders. The injured BDO filed an FIR with the police and seven CPM leaders were arrested. Their offence was non-bailable but on the very next day, they got bail. And now the policemen are saying they did this for the BDO’s safety. The BDO rejoined duty and soon requested the district magistrate to transfer him somewhere else as he felt insecure in Itahar.”

Let's turn our attention to Lalgarh or the greater Jungle Mahal area where Harmads from several adjoining districts are active in the open and are being allegedly shielded by the police. A report few months back listed 52 camps and counted presence of 1620 Harmads in 7 blocks of Jhargram. A latest unofficial report claim about 90 Harmad camps (86 according to Union home minister P. Chidambaram) and more than 2,500 armed CPI(M) Harmads. Eminent novelist Jaya Mitra questions: “This is the CPI(M)'s version of the Salwa Judum. Salwa Judum has been banned by the Supreme Court but the CPI(M)'s Red Brigade continue to operate with impunity.” Local scribes of different newspapers claim that more than 100 people were killed by the CPI(M) in less than a decade before the Lalgarh revolt. And after the Joint Force entered the scene, killings have increased manifold, they hold. Now, CPI(M) and Maoists both are killing villagers. There was only a brief let up while the Police Santras Birodhi Janasadharaner Committee (Peoples’ Committee against Police Atrocities) was controlling the area.

Sources in the Union Home ministry say that as the joint paramilitary forces are in action, the Union home ministry has to keep a watch on the situation there. Central Intelligence agencies are reporting directly to Delhi on a daily basis. Governor M.K. Narayanan, an ex-IB sleuth and a former National Security Advisor, is also reportedly keeping eyes on developments. Being reported from several sources, Chidambaram wrote to Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee on December 21: “In an apparent effort to regain lost ground, a sizable number of armed cadres were recruited, trained and deployed in West Midnapore district. There is evidence to show that Harmad camps are mostly located in CPI(M) party offices and houses of local CPI(M) cadres. It is a matter of grave concern that these cadres have been provided with firearms...”

The Union home minister also mentioned, “Besides, in the run up to the elections, there has been a perceptible increase in clashes between supporters of the CPI(M) and the TMC (Trinamool Congress). According to our figures, up to December 15, 2010, TMC cadres who have been killed and injured number 96 and 1,237 respectively. Likewise, CPI(M) cadres, who have been killed and injured number 65 and 773 respectively. And Congress cadres who have been killed and injured number 15 and 221 respectively. These numbers present an alarming picture and point to a virtual collapse of law and order in parts of West Bengal.” He also raised the vital question which has been raised by the state Opposition over a year: What is the need of Joint Forces in Jungle Mahal if CPI(M) deploys armed cadres to maintain law and order?

An angered and cornered chief minister sent out more of a political and less of an administrator’s reply where he contradicted figures of Trinamool. Conspicuously, the chief minister remained silent on the issue of CPI(M)’s armed camps but objected to the use of the language ‘Harmad’. Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee also contradicts the casualty figures of her party, “I have the list of names of 246 party workers who have been killed since the parliamentary elections,” says the railway minister.

To get a proper picture, casualty figures among Maoists, Police Santras Birodhi Janasadharaner Committee (PCPA) and security forces also should be taken into account. Official figures say about 328 Maoists & PCPA supporters and 27 Jawans have lost their lives up to December 26 this year. In fact, West Bengal stands second to Chhattisgarh in inflicting damage on Maoists. Rights activists and intellectuals claim that most of those killed as ‘Maoists’ are innocent villagers. “CPI(M) is branding those non-CPI(M) youths as ‘Maoists’ to gain their political mileage,” says Prof. Sumit Chakraborty, convenor of the Lalgarh Mancha. The reason behind such violence is not too hard to find. The area returns 44 legislators to the state assembly. Majority of these seats elected CPI(M) and its allies even in the last polls. However, the result may turn against the ruling front this time if a free and fair election is held. Looking at the state of lawlessness in West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee's call for early and immediate election seems more plausible today in light of the Union home minister P. Chidambaram's latest missive to Writer's Building.

While the political parties fight their never-ending bloody battles in quest for power, the Maoists continue their policy of annihilation and the State continues to militarily combat ‘Leftist Extremism.’ Only, the innocents become the victims of the game. Their blood flows. Their houses burn in the fire of revenge. Their children bear the burnt throughout their lives. May be Nabarun Bhattacharya’s famous poem of the 70s can help restore sanity: “Ei Mrityu Upatyaka Amar Desh Na / Ei Raktasnato Kasaikhana Amar Desh Na (This Valley of Death Is Not My Country / I Disown This Blood-Drenched Slaughterhouse As My Nation).”

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The local media in Kashmir is expanding at a staggering pace though the sailing has not been smooth for local journalists and media organisations

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Assertion amid restrictions

Till the late 1980s, J&K had such less newspapers and magazines that they could be counted on the fingers of one hand. Of these, only Aftab and Srinagar Times, both Urdu dailies, were popular among the masses. When insurgency erupted in the Valley, people needed their daily fix of news. They were eager to remain abreast of developments around them.

State-run Doordarshan and Radio Kashmir were the only accessible sources of news but excessive government control on these media institutions undermined their credibility. People turned to international media, primarily BBC, to get a clear picture of the situation in Kashmir. The then correspondent of BBC World Service, Yusuf Jameel, became a household name in the Valley. Every household would tune into the early morning and evening BBC bulletins.

“People would trust every word the BBC would broadcast. It was too demanding. I could hardly afford any off-the-mark coverage. But my reporting things as they were won me more foes than friends,” recalls Jameel.

Now, two decades later, more than a hundred newspapers, including 25 English dailies, hit the stalls every morning in Srinagar. There are 81weeklies, both offset and litho printed, and 12 monthly and fortnightly English and Urdu news magazines too being published from the Valley alone. About 80 dailies and 132 periodicals are published from Jammu.

The buck does not stop there. According to officials, hundreds of applications for new registrations are pending in the offices concerned in both Jammu and Srinagar. Almost every second month sees the launch of new publications. Most of these newspapers, priced at two to three rupees, survive mainly on government advertisements.
The growing literacy rate, which at present hovers a little above 65 per cent in J&K, has also widened the readership base during the last two decades. At the same time, new technologies like the Internet, networked computers and other hardware and software applications have also helped in producing newspapers in large number with better print quality. Apart from that, more than 20 cable news channels have been launched across the state in the past few years. All of the news channels — more than a dozen — are off the air in the Valley though after the state authorities announced a temporary ban on them four months ago.

GK Communications, with two of its largest circulated daily newspapers, Greater Kashmir (English) and Kashmir Uzma (Urdu) is considered to be one of the biggest media organisations in the state. Both of its newspapers are simultaneously published from Jammu and Srinagar. GK also has a vibrant online edition, which has a large number of visitors across the globe. Similarly, Kashmir Media Group (KMG), which publishes Rising Kashmir (English), Buland Kashmir (Urdu) and Sangarmal (Kashmiri), is also taking shape as a large media group in the Valley. English papers such as Greater Kashmir, Rising Kashmir and Kashmir Times and Urdu language ones like Kashmir Uzma, Srinagar Times, Aftab and Buland are being extensively read.

Mass communication graduates from Kashmir University are being hired by local newspapers on good wages. “Kashmir University’s mass communication department was established in 1985. Since then, we have produced more than 600 journalists and most of them are well placed in local, national and international media organisations,” informs Nasir Mirza, a senior lecturer.

However, it has not been easy for media organisations and journalists to survive in an atmosphere of hostility and conflict. During the last 20 years, more than a dozen mediapersons have been killed in the line of duty.

Apart from such tragedies, Kashmiri journalists have seen the worst kind of aggression by security forces. This summer more than two dozen mediapersons were ruthlessly beaten up by police and security forces at different times while they were performing their duty. Srinagar-based newspapers have frequently been forced to stop publication by the government. During the civil unrest earlier this year, beating up and harassment of newspaper staff and repeated cancellation of curfew passes made their operations impossible. The newspapers have been stopped for an estimated total of thirty days since June this year.

The channel operators believe that they were targetted only for showing the facts. “The channels were screening only what was happening around. People were being killed and injured by the security forces. How could we have not reported such things?” asks Sanam Aijaz, managing director, J.K. channel.

The popularity of social networking sites has also increased during the last few years, especially among the youth. Many Kashmiris, including those living abroad, have created groups on facebook and Twitter to express their political opinions. During the recent unrest, tech-savvy youngsters used these sites to vent their anger. This attracted the attention of security agencies. Police arrested many young boys for posting “objectionable” remarks on Internet.

But the local media in Kashmir lacks in quality. “During past two decades the Kashmir media has grown enormously but quality is missing,” says Pervez Majeed, a correspondent with Delhi-based news magazine Sahara Time. “The conflict provided a breeding ground for non-professionals who are pursuing varied interests and are indulging in activities which can't be called journalism,” he rues.

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International: Karachi undergoing Metamorphosis

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The glittering city of dreams that once Karachi was, is now writhing in the clutches of mafia which also weild considerable political influence, laments Shahid Husain

Karachi is undergoing metamorphosis. The “city of lights” of yesteryears has been brutalised and target killings have become the order of the day. With an estimated population of 18 million, the megalopolis of Karachi is now controlled by mafia.

There was a time when burqa-clad women with all their jewellery would return from marriages late in the night all alone without any fear, and children would play in lanes till 2 am and the doors would remain open for them. The boundary walls of bungalows were also not more than four feet high and one could have a glimpse of the lawns inside while walking on the pavements. Then things started changing. But these changes have a history. As the capital of Pakistan, Karachi witnessed a great upheaval in 1953 when students staging peaceful demonstration demanding better education facilities were fired at. Seven students and a passerby had lost their lives. However, the establishment was forced to accept the students' demands.

In fact, the 1953 movement led by left-wing Democratic Students Federation (DSF) was a turning point in Pakistan’s chequered history. The establishment decided to shift the capital to Islamabad.

Again in 1964, it was Karachi and Dhaka from where the opposition leader Fatima Jinnah won the elections despite notorious “Basic Democracy” system in which only 80,000 BD members were allowed to cast their votes in presidential elections.

The democratic upsurge of 1968-69 that forced military dictator General Ayub Khan to announce that he would not take part in next elections shook the corridors of power. There was a euphoria in the air and students, industrial workers, teachers, doctors, lawyers and intellectuals and writers felt as if a revolution was in
the making.

However, another military dictator General Yahya Khan staged a coup and took hold of the reins of power. Perhaps it was in 1968-69 that the civil and military establishment decided to break the will of Karachiites. The break-away of eastern wing in 1971 and establishment of Bangladesh as an independent state too weakened the democratic movement in the financial hub of Pakistan because the politically conscious leadership of Pakistan’s eastern wing always gave a lead to the rest of Pakistan, including Karachi.

Thus began a process of de-politicising of Karachiites. Ethnicity and parochialism was deliberately promoted by the government. Political activists were disillusioned. What they thought was a revolution was only a mirage.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto who reached the corridors of power through catchy slogans of "Islamic socialism" and roti, kapra aur makaan (bread, cloth and housing) stated publicly that he had done more to halt communism than the Americans and his "socialism" was like that of Germany. In fact, Bhutto used fascist methodology to woo the masses and promoted jingoism. On the top of that it was Bhutto who succumbed to the pressures of mullahs and declared the minority Ahmedi community as non-Muslims and banned liquor although he himself was a heavy alcoholic. Ban on liquor paved the way for deadly drugs, including heroin and drug mafia came to the fore with a big bang. While the affluent had an easy access to liquor, the downtrodden in slum areas such as Lyari started consuming heroin. Drug and arms mafia penetrated in Pakistan and gangsters started playing a vital role.

The brutalisation of society reached its peak when the democratically-elected government of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was overthrown in July 1977 by despot General Zia-ul-Haq and Bhutto was sent to gallows. In the wake of previous Afghan War, drug and arms culture was introduced in Karachi. The drug mafia entered Lyari that happened to be the most vibrant area of yesteryears, both politically and culturally.
Gradually the land mafia, transport mafia and drug mafia became so powerful that political activism retreated and was replaced by the guns. With the increasing activities of drug mafia and bureaucratic capital, the social fabric of Pakistan society in general and Karachi in particular deteriorated and sectarian killings became the order of the day. Class contradictions also came into existence and were quiet sharpened. On one hand, there were limousines worth tens of millions of rupees plying on the streets of Karachi, on the other, there were hordes of jobless youth roaming directionless on the streets of Karachi.

With the migration of large number of people to Karachi in search of jobs, the demography of the largest city of Pakistan started changing drastically. No wonder Karachi now harbours the biggest Pushtoon population in Pakistan. As a matter of fact, had it not been for the philanthropists in Karachi, tens of thousands of people would have died of hunger. Social workers such as Abdul Sattar Edhi are not only feeding millions of people in Karachi, they are also running the world’s largest ambulance service in the private sector.

But sadly enough, the fate of Karachi is decided by the land mafia whose agents have entered almost every political party. The powerful mafia can trigger gang wars and ethnic tension in any part of the city. Clifton, Hawkesbay and Sandspit beaches that once provided solace are now eyed by the notorious land mafia. Similarly, several heritage buildings too are in danger because the greedy want to build sky scrapers in their place.

However, there is a silver lining! Despite threats the civil society and the intelligentsia in the financial hub of Pakistan is adamant to resist mafias and save beaches and expose the vested interests. Nobody knows how many years it would take to undo the wrongs of General Zia-ul-Haq, but one could still find an oasis in Karachi in the midst of anarchy, lawlessness and chaos.

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The best saffron in the world comes from Kashmir

IIPM Mumbai Campus

Political unrest apart, a slew of malpractices now threaten this premium spice. Haroon Reshi reports from Srinagar

A couple of weeks ago, Kurt Achin, the South Asia Bureau Chief of Voice of America, was in the Valley for some professional engagements. Before his departure for Delhi, he went to visit the floating market at the renowned Dal Lake in Srinagar in a Shikara (Water Taxi). On the way, the boatman offered him Kashmiri saffron for sale. Kurt purchased some for twenty dollars. Later, at the guest house a waiter informed the journalist that he has been cheated, for the boatman had foisted off fake saffron in the name of one of the most exclusive and expensive spices in the world. In the evening Kurt’s Facebook wall read: “Like a rube, I just spent about 12 bucks on fake saffron. Not the end of the world, but who likes being swindled?”

Early this year, the police held four persons for selling fake saffron to visitors in the Valley. They also recovered thirty five kilograms of saffron-like coloured material in their possession (worth about Rs 10 crore, if it had been original). It was revealed that the tip of corn fiber and the fiber of marigold flower is used to make fake saffron.

Such incidents have brought bad name to Kashmir, where farmers have been cultivating the world’s best quality saffron for the last thousand years. “This is unfortunate that some miscreants are defaming and ruining our industry which is already losing ground due to several other reasons,” Abdul Majid Wani, General Secretary, Saffron Growers Association told TSI. “Now our association has decided to open sales counters at every tourist spot in the Valley, so that visitors can buy pure and guaranteed saffron without being cheated,” Wani added.

Apart from the sale of fake saffron in and outside the state, drought, pollution and official corruption are other major threats to this Rs 400 crore domestic industry. Official figures prove that the production of saffron is reducing by the year owing to decline in agriculture acreage and poor harvests. “We had 5500 hectares of saffron land in 1996 and now there are only 4000 hectares left. Residential and commercial buildings are being constructed on agricultural land despite an official ban on it,” points out Prof. Firdous Ahmad Nehvi, a scientist at the Sher-e-Kashmir University of Agricultural Sciences and Technology (SKUAST), Srinagar. “Similarly the production of the crop has dipped from four kg per hectare to two kg thanks to poor rains in the past few years, and lack of scientific irrigation facilities,” Nehvi added.

Mid-October to mid-November is flowering time for the saffron crop, when farmers spend their days in the fields collecting saffron flowers and slicing off the stigmas to get to this premium spice. According to official figures, more than sixteen thousand farm families from 226 villages in four districts (Srinagar, Budgam, Pulwama and Kashtiwar) of the state are directly affiliated with saffron cultivation. Most of the saffron growers, however, are not happy because of the price slide: rates have fallen from Rs 2.7 to 3 lakh per kg to Rs 1.5 to 2 lakh.

Traders say that the biggest hit has come from smuggling of Iranian saffron, which is exported from India after relabeling with the Kashmiri brand. Iran contributes 70
per cent of saffron production of the world but it is scientifically proven that Kashmir grows superior quality of saffron, and the rates are thus higher. “We grow better quality of saffron than Iran. We have a huge demand in the domestic market too, which explains why others sell their stuff in the name of Kashmir,” says Mehraj-u-Din, a farmer of Pampore, the central saffron producing area “Our problem is that our production rate is lower than that of Iran and Spain. They yield five to eight kg of crop per hectare because they don’t have to depend on rains for irrigation, and have access to plentiful scientific production facilities. To add to our woes, our crops have been affected by corm rot in the last few years,” Mehraj said.

Referring to Zafran (Urdu for saffron) Colony, a residential district in Pampore, Mehraj said that the land where the houses stood were originally earmarked for the cultivation of zafran. “This could be possible only with official corruption,” he laments. Less productivity, falling prices, and nature’s bugbears like poor rainfall and crop disease have caused many farmers to quit saffron production in the Valley. “This trade has lost its glory and has become less profitable. Even tomato cultivation turns out to be more profitable and less laborious than this,” Ayaz Lone, a former grower, who sold all his saffron agriculture land last year, told TSI.

In a last ditch attempt to salvage the industry, the government has announced a National Saffron Mission. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced a Rs 375 crore project, to support drip irrigation, research, mechanization, processing and marketing of Indian zafran. Though experts like Professor Nehvi are heartened by the news, many still worry about the future of the saffron industry. A senior official told TSI that the civil unrest in the valley is a major factor for its dismal show. As part of efforts to boost saffron trade, the Saffron Growers Association has asked for customs duty on imported saffron to ensure that it is imported only through legal channels; they’ve also recommended exempting saffron from sales tax. It’s the least that can be done toward the preservation of a national treasure.

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RAAJNEETI: Plot politics

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TSI Five-O: A gripping political ensemble tale
Every time you catch Samar Pratap (Ranbir Kapoor) with his smart phone in 'Raajneeti', he is seen playing chess on it. It's a most apt image that Prakash Jha weaves into his epic political saga because all the twist and turns appear like a well planned chess move ' some you'll anticipate and some will catch you blind-sided. It is not, as pre-release speculation would have you believe, a film based on the first family in Indian politics. But it is the story of a political family and the turmoil it goes through when a power struggle ensues as the party leader suffers a stroke. He appoints his younger brother at the party helm but there are Gen-Next kids ' the son (Arjun Rampal), the nephew (Manoj Bajpai) and the daughter-in-law (Katrina Kaif) ' who are also staking their claim to power. There's the outsider as well (Ajay Devgn) and pulling all the strings merrily in the background is the schemer, (Nana Patekar) trying to keep everything from falling brutally apart.

Shades of Mahabharata and 'The Godfather' converge to create a hue of a saga of succession battles and the twists they spawn. The performances are all top notch. Ranbir defies his age to deliver a top class performance, Manoj Bajpai shines as the desperate son who sees his position fade away, and Nana Patekar is understated as you have never seen him before. This combined with a good background score and well-planned sprawling shots lay the canvas wide for Jha to showcase his brand of filmmaking. Some of the plot points are a bit of stretch (politicians settling feuds themselves in a shootout, 'Wild Wild West' style? I don't think so) but 'Raajneeti', with some sharp dialogues and a well-laid-out storyline is a satisfying watch.

It does not answer any questions about politicians and their ilk but as a chronicle of the murky visage that is politics and how the hunger for power transforms seemingly ordinary people into doing extraordinary things, 'Raajneeti' has got to be on your watchlist.

An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri and Arindam chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

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